A Man?s Vision Of Love: :: essays research papers fc

A Man’s Vision of Love: An Examination of William Broyles Jr.’s Esquire Article â€Å"Why Men Love War†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   â€Å"Men love war because it allows them to look serious. Because they imagine it is the one thing that stops women laughing at them. In it they can reduce women to the status of objects. This is the great distinction between the sexes. Men see objects, women see the relationship between objects. Whether the objects need each other, love each other, match each other. It is an extra dimension of feeling we men are without and one that makes war abhorrent to all real women - and absurd. I will tell you what war is. War is a psychosis caused by an inability to see relationships. Our relationship with our fellow men. Our relationship with out economic and historical situation. And above all our relationship to nothingness. To death.† John Fowles in The Magus A Man’s Vision of Love: An Examination of William Broyles Jr.’s Esquire Article â€Å"Why Men Love War†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The fact that war is both beautiful as well as nauseating is a great ambiguity for men. In his article for Esquire magazine in 1985 William Broyles Jr attempts to articulate this ambiguity while being rather unclear himself. On the one hand Broyles says that men do not long for the classic male experience of going to war, while on the other hand he says that men who return know that they have delved into an area of their soul which most men are never able to. Broyles says that men love war for many reasons some obvious and some obviously disturbing. Many books support this notion while few stray far from the admission of love. I believe that most sources indicate that men do in fact love war in a general masculine way. I also believe that the sources that do not admit to this love of war do not because of the author’s unique, face-to-face experience with war’s most severe atrocities. I feel that the sources, while few in number can faithfully account for the average soldier in any war in the twentieth century, which Broyles applies his argument to.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Stories of combat provide a way of coping with a fundamental tension of war: although the act of killing another person in battle may invoke a wave of nauseous distress, it may also incite intense feelings of pleasure. William Broyles was one of many combat soldiers who articulated this ambiguity.

The Effects Of Video Game Violence On Human Aggression Essay -- Violen

Throughout a number of recent studies, participants playing violent video games have consistently shown increases in their aggressive behavior, both during and after the gameplay. A study that linked violent video games to child aggression found that in every group they tested, â€Å"Children who were exposed to more video game violence did become more aggressive over time than their peers who had less exposure† (Harding 1). An increase in aggressive behavior after playing violent video games is quite common in most cases, although many gamers would argue that other factors, such as people’s emotions, cause this negative change in behavior. This reveals numerous questions surrounding the effects that video game violence might have on a person. â€Å"Will a high degree of violent content in a video game mean that the frequent user will exhibit a greater degree of aggression and violent towards others in their daily lives?† (Janushewski & Truong 1). †Å"Playing violent video games not only causes an increase in antisocial behavior but also leads to a decrease in prosocial behavior† (Greitemeyer, Osswald 212). â€Å"Aggressive behavior is defined as intentional behavior produced to cause physical harm or humiliation to another person who wishes to avoid the harm (Baron & Richardson, 1994). Social science has come to understand aggression as mainly socially learned (Bandura, 1965; Bandura Ross, & Ross, 1961)† (Ferguson 70). â€Å"Anderson et al. (2010) found that video game violence can cause a significant increase in aggressive behavior in the short run, after playing a game once, and in the long run, after consistently playing† (Rowell 180). Increased behavioral aggression in the short run due to video game violence appears to be inevitable, ... ... 6, 2011, from http://articles.cnn.com/2008-11-03/health/healthmag.violent.video.kids_1_violent-video-video-games-game-genres/2?_s=PM:HEALTH Janushewski, D, Truong, M. (1999). Video games and violence. Socserv.mcmaster.ca. Retrieved April 6, 2011, from . Jeroen, L, M.Sc., J., Bushman, &, A. Konijn. (2006). Rapid communication: The appeal of violent video games to lower educated aggressive adolescent boys from two countries. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 9(5), 638-641. Rowell, H. (2010). Nailing the coffin shut on doubts that violent video games stimulate aggression: Comments on Anderson et al. Psychological Bulletin, 136(2), 179-181. Williams, K. (2005). The effects of frustration, violence, and trait hostility after playing a video game. Mass Communication and Society, 12, 291-310.

Search for Identity in the Poetry of Langston Hughes Essay -- American

Search for Identity in the Poetry of Langston Hughes In exploring the problem of identity in Black literature we find no simple or definite explanation. Nevertheless, it is generally accepted that it is rooted in the reality of the discriminatory social system in America with its historic origins in the institution of slavery. One can discern that this slavery system imposes a double burden on the Negro through severe social and economic inequalities and through the heavy psychological consequences suffered by the Negro who is forced to play an inferior role, 1 the latter relates to the low self-estimate, feeling of helplessness and basic identity conflict. Thus, in some form or the other, every Negro American is confronted with the question of `where he is' in the prevailing white society. The problem of Negro identity has various dimensions like the color, community and class. The inescapable reality of the Negro existence in America is color which is inherent in the concept of self, manifest in race-consciousness.2 This is significant because a Negro establishes his identity with other individuals, known or unknown, on the basis of a similarity of color and features, thus making his racial group membership the nexus of his self identity.3 In 1915, the Association for the study of Negro life and history made special endeavours to convince the Negroes that they could never acquire respectability in society if they despised their history and looked upon themselves as inferior. It was felt that "the American Negro must remake its past in order to make his future."4 After the Negro began to search his identity in the glorious past-his heritage and his folk tradition, he began to feel proud of his black wholesome colour. La... ...hes, "One." Selected Poems (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 92. Langston Hughes, "Bound No'th Blues." Selected Poems (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 174. Langston Hughes, "Vagabonds." Selected Poems (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 91. Langston Hughes, "Merry-Go-Round." Selected Poems (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 194. Langston Hughes, "I, too, Sing America." Selected Poems (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 275. Langston Hughes, "New Song", A New Song (New York: International Workers Order, 1938), p. 25. Langston Hughes, "The Black Man Speaks", Jim Crow's Last Stand (Atlanta: Negro Publication Society, 1943), p. 5. Langston Hughes, "Freedom," Jim Crow's Last Stand (Atlanta: Negro Publication Society, 1943), p. 7.

Nathaniel Hawthorne’s as Anti-Transcendentalist Essay

Nathaniel Hawthorne an American romantic writer, whose literature is known for its Anti-Transcendentalism, wrote Young Goodman Brown and The Scarlet Letter. Nathaniel Hawthorne is a writer during the American Romantics, where the majority of writing is focused on nature, supernatural elements; one’s psychology and the criticism of society’s â€Å"norm†. Nathaniel is Hawthorne known for his notorious Anti-Transcendentalist literature. Anti-Transcendentalism ideals are about one’s evil and inner and sinful nature, where everyone is born evil and no matter what, and that humanity is evil and destructive. Hawthorne is not able to accept the optimism of the Transcendentalists and through his writing he tries to look for truths in one’s heart and mind. Hawthorne’s use of symbols, characters, and themes in his literature classify his writings as Anti-Transcendentalist.Through the use of character development Hawthorne’s literature can be clas sified as Anti-Transcendentalist. In both pieces of literature Hawthorne uses characters who act as the epitome of Anti-Transcendentalism. The Scarlet Letter has two imperative characters that exemplify Anti-Transcendentalist. First we have Dimmesdale; he is a minister in the town and is one of the most highly respected men in Boston. In reality Dimmesdale is a sinner and an adulterer as he slept with Hester, another man’s wife and got her pregnant. Hester’s punishment for her actions are; public humiliation, and the Scarlet Letter. Though Dimmesdale is not revealed as her accomplice over time he himself grows a Scarlet Letter of his own. â€Å"Most of the spectators testified to having seen, on the breast of the unhappy minister, a Scarlet Letter†¦Mr. Dimmesdale, on the very day when Hester Prynne first wore her ignominious badge, had begun a course of penance†(SL 211). When Hawthorne reveals Dimmesdale having a Scarlet Letter it expresses the ideals of Anti-Transcendentalism where his own Scarlet Letter is the example of one’s inner darkness and evil that is inside of him. In Young Goodman Brown after Goodman Brown witnesses all of the townspeople participating in a witchcraft ceremony and comes back to his home he sees the world in a new perspective. â€Å"The next morning Goodman Brown came slowly into the streets of Salem staring around him like a bewildered man†(YGB 7). He is never the same and trusts no one, including his wife. It says that he snatched away the children that Goody Cloyse was talking to and when his wife embraced him he just walked away.(YGB 7 )Hawthorne uses Goodman Brown to show that everyone is evil inside and that he human spirit is destructive. Character development acknowledges a role in how Hawthorne’s literature should be classified as Anti-Transcendentalist.Character Development is not the only factor that classifies Hawthorne’s literature as Anti-Transcendentalist; symbols take on an enormous role as well. In the Scarlet Letter two symbols are Pearl, and the actual Scarlet Letter. Pearl is not only a peculiar child for her age she has a much deeper meaning. Pearl is Hester’s living example of her sin. Pearl’s purpose in the Scarlet Letter is to represent sin, but not only to Hester but in the world as well. The Actual Scarlet Letter is also a symbol which represents not only sin, but the Anti-Transcendentalist idea that your sins will never go away, sin will remain evident inside you and around you. These two examples could not exemplify Anti-Transcendentalist beliefs any more as its primary focus is about sinfulness and how people view sin. In Young Goodman Brown a few symbols that embody Anti-Transcendentalism are the forest and the old man who is meant to be the devil. The forest in both of Hawthorne’s literature has a dark meaning towards it and also is a place where no good can happen Goodman Brown believes that the devil could be present in the forest, and when he sees a woman from his town he hides as he is ashamed to be walking in the forest. The forest is characterized as devilish, frightening, and dark. The old man is also a symbol which is portrayed as the devil. He is used to represent the destructiveness of the human spirit and to show the evil within humanity. All of these characteristics contribute to classify Hawthorne’s writing as Anti-Transcendentalist. Aside from characters and symbols Hawthorne uses themes in his literature which contribute to classifying his writings as Anti-Transcendentalist. The most prominent theme in both pieces of his literature is the, nature of evil in humanity. The Scarlet Letter uses the â€Å"Black Man† as an alter ego to Chillingworth who is a representation for the Devil. On the outside Chillingworth is a doctor who is supposed to help people when they are sick but inside he is evil. Instead of giving Dimmesdale life he is making him sick, as he is taking life and making it miserable. â€Å"‘Come away, or yonder old black man will catch you! He hath got hold of the minister already. Come away, mother or he will catch you!’†(SL 61) The quote is from Pearl who understands Chillingworth is the devil and has already captured and made Dimmesdale’s life horrible. Another instance of the evil in humanity partakes in the Story of Young Goodman Brown where it contains a greate r depth of evil in humanity. The Scarlet Letter is only one man consumed by the devil but in Young Goodman Brown the whole town appears to be taking part in a witchcraft ceremony. When he is taken into the forest he sees the minister, a deacon and many more respected men of his town are evil. â€Å"He recognized a score of church members of Salem†¦Good old Deacon Gookin had arrived, his reserved pastor†(YGB 6) These men and women who are highly respected are taking part in English witchcraft. Hawthorne is expressing that humans are capable of inner darkness and evil, which enable his literature to be classified as Anti-Transcendentalist. Symbols, characters, and themes are the elements that Hawthorne uses to show how his literature can be classified as Anti-Transcendentalist. The symbols in both pieces of Hawthorne’s literature represent sin, and evil, both which are qualities of Anti-Transcendentalism. All the characters in Hawthorne’s literature contain evidence of sinful nature, inner darkness and the destructiveness of the human spirit. These qualities are most prominent in Chillingworth and Dimmesdale and especially with Goodman Brown. Lastly Hawthorne’s primary theme in all his literature is the nature of evil in humanity. Chillingworth exemplifies this theme greatly as well as the towns’ people in Young Goodman Brown. The way Hawthorne writes and his use of symbols, themes, and characters classify his writing as Anti-Transcendentalist.

Arguments on Rules and Justice

In my opinion, Socrates† analysis of human nature is very true as it ultimately brings us his definition of justice. I agree with his theory of human nature but not his social-political theory. In order to understand Plato†s theory of human nature and his social-political theory, we must examine each one of them closely. Plato believed that no one is self-sufficient enough to live individually. Human beings are not created equally; some of us are born wiser then the rest and some of us are just born stronger. For this reason, only the select few (which would be the guardians) among us are supposed to now what is best for the society and therefore becomes the ruler of everyone else. Our reasoning, spirit, and natural wants are all part of human nature. In book 1 of The Republic, Plato had several detailed discussions on the nature of justice with other speakers in a dialogue form. The process of discussion involves Socrates† questioning, arguing against various inadequate theories that attempts to define the true meaning of justice. From the rich old man Cephalus, we learned that justice involves telling the truth and repaying one†s debts. However, Socrates points out that this definition of justice is inadequate because it cannot account for the instances of certain circumstances. The simple example of returning a borrowed weapon to an insane friend who demands the return of his weapon, would be an instance of following the rule but would not seem to be just. Then Polemarchus, Cephalus†s son attempts to define justice by proposing that justice means † one should pay what is owed†. Not returning or refusing to return the borrowed weapon would clearly benefit one†s friend. Socrates said that harming our nemies is only likely to make them even more unjust than they already are and cause them to make more unjust choices. After that, Thrasymachus came up with his own definition of justice which is nothing more than the advantage of the stronger; those in positions of power use law to decide what is right. The kind of justice practiced anywhere depends on the type of government they have in power. Socrates does not disagree with this view if the facts about the society are as Thrasymachus says they are, however, he argues that sometimes rulers make mistakes. In that case obedience to the law maybe leads to its own disadvantage, therefore Thrasymachus†s definition is also inadequate. Furthermore, Socrates says that the best ruler must always know how to rule. They should rule for the art of ruling, but not their own interest alone. Later, Glaucon suggests that human beings, given an opportunity to do injustice without being caught and therefore without suffering any punishment or loss of good reputation, would naturally choose a life of injustice, in order to maximize their own interests. Glaucons efinition of justice is that it†s an equal contract, an approach between what is the best (doing injustice without paying the penalty) and the worse (suffering injustice without being able to avenge one self). Adieamantus narrows the discussion further by pointing out that to have a good reputation of justice is more important than justice is itself, whether or not that person really does have a good reputation of justice. In an attempt to provide an adequate, satisfying definition of justice, Socrates tries to make an analogy between the justice of individual human beings and of an entire society or city. Since the crucial elements of justice may be easier to observe on the larger scale like a city than on a smaller scale like an individual. Socrates focuses on the perfect city, because the city will represent the human soul. Socrates began with a detailed analysis of the formation, structure, and organization of this ideal city. He argues that since individual human beings are not self-sufficient; no one working alone can acquire all of the necessities of life by themselves. In order to resolve this difficulty, we gather together into society for the mutual achievement of our common goals. If each of us specializes in the practice of a specific art, we can work more efficiently. To make this ideal city healthy (opposite of a feverish city), Socrates states that the fundamental needs of human beings in the society are food, shelter, and clothes. From these fundamental needs, some additional requirements emerge that become necessary only because these needs are a part of the defense of the city against external attacks or internal disputes. Socrates proposed an additional class of citizens, the guardians which are responsible for guarding the city and keeping the city in order. In order to fulfill their proper functions, the guardian then must have a philosophy that gives them the ability to distinguish the true and false, friend and foes, and to avoid turning against their own kind due to external influences. I think Socrates† social-political theory does follow his theory of human nature, he believed that an ideal state, embodying the highest and best capabilities of human social life, could really be achieved, if the right people are put in charge. Since the key to the success of the whole is the wisdom of the rulers who make decisions for the entire city, Plato held hat the perfect society would occur only when kings become philosophers or philosophers are made kings. Guardians would need the virtue of courage to carry out their orders in the face of danger without regard for personal risk. The rest of the people in the city must follow its leaders instead of pursuing their private interests. Plato held that guardians should own no private property, should live and eat together at government expense, and should earn no salary greater than necessary to supply their most basic needs. Under this regime, no one will have any corrupt motive for seeking a osition of leadership, and those who are chosen to be guardians will govern solely from a concern to seek the welfare of the state and what is best for all of its citizens. Education in the city is needed to promote the achievement of a proper balance of society. Physical training and musical performance along with basic intellectual development and the ability to get rid of human natural desire would be needed to fill this position as a guardian. On Plato's view, it is vital for a society to exercise strict control over the content of everything that children read, see, or hear. By excluding all the poets and actors, there will be only one stimulation allowed in the city which is education. The highest goal in all of education, he believed, is knowledge of the â€Å"Good†; that is, not merely an awareness of particular benefits and pleasures, but acquaintance with the actual form of â€Å"good† itself. Glaucon and Adeimantus pose some of the arguments against the kind of life style Socrates promotes. They question Guardians† happiness when they are separated from the general public. Socrates said that the happiness of the guardian must be put aside for the sake of the city. However, he points out, the guardian class should be the happiest group under such a system. Socrates† definition of justice is when each of these classes performs its own role appropriately and does not try to take over the function of any other class, Plato believed that the entire city as a whole will operate smoothly, exhibiting the harmony that is justice. Then, a human being is only properly said to be just when the three souls perform their proper functions in harmony with each other, working in agreement for the good of the person as a whole. In onclusion, it was found that the education of the guardians was necessary to keep the city running and with their education you must devote their lives to persue the common goals and good of the city. Once the individual and the other individuals in the society or city were working in complete harmony only then would the circle be complete and everything would run smoothly. However, in order to achieve this the guardian had to be trained right and raised accordingly. The people must cooperate. Everyone would reap the benefits from a perfect society.

Disraeli: An unprincipled adventurer in politics Essay

â€Å"An unprincipled adventurer in politics.† How fair is this interpretation of Disraeli in the period 1837- 1846? 1st DRAFT Over the years, the political character of Disraeli has bewildered historians as much as it did his colleagues. Previously historians, such as Machin, had an inclination to accept the view of his contemporary critics which was often, that in the obscurities of his politically life prior to 1846, Disraeli was â€Å"An unprincipled adventurer in politics†, motivated by his own personal ambition rather that a doctrine of political principles. Yet recently there has been an upsurge in the number of historians that believe Disraeli did possess a clear set of ideas. These principles originated from Disraeli’s understanding of English history and values, and that a desire to defend and realize his conception of England gave his career coherence. Disraeli saw himself as a foe of dangerous cosmopolitan ideas that were damaging the national spirit and creating social conflict.1 Whilst Disraeli can be considered as unprincipled in his methods, Disraeli’s underlying sense of political purpose, and the rhetoric he used to promote his objectives, never changed thus showing that he was truly a principled politician. In the early 1830s Disraeli stood in several elections as a Whig, Radical and as an Independent. However, Disraeli was a Tory by the time he won a seat in the House of Commons in 1837 representing the constituency of Maidstone. These frequent changes of allegiance to the different political groups are one of the ways which one can claim Disraeli to be unprincipled but was he? Disraeli claimed that his switch to conservatism was due to his belief in the fact that Conservatives defended the interests of the people. This claim for can be proven by the fact that in the 1822 the Tory party under Lord Liverpool’s administration argued for the rights of Dissenters and even repealed the Test and Corporations Act which allowed for protestant dissenters to hold positions in public office. In addition, in 1836 Disraeli wrote and published the pamphlet ‘Vindication of the English Constitution (1835). In this pamphlet, Disraeli described the Whigs as a party, tried to monopolise the government by enslaving the monarchy during the 18th century. This evidence also leads to Ian St John’s conclusion that Disraeli was always a ‘Tory Radical’ who believed that the Tory party was the true party since the Whigs pursued ‘a selfish agenda in the interests of a narrow elite’2 . In addition, he claimed that the Tories had shown themselves to be a truly ‘national party’, representing the views of ‘nine-tenths of the people’.3 This evidence agrees with Disraeli’s own claim that the Tory party was the actual party of the people, and in this way one can say that Disraeli’s switch to conservatism was based upon a principled grounding. Further arguments that Disraeli’s switch to conservatism was based on his principle and not on his own personal ambitions are that during Disraeli’s earlier attempts for Parliament, he had always argued for agricultural assistance. This belief formed an integral part of the Tory party’s principals since in 1815 a Tory government had introduced the Corn Laws as a means of protecting the British agricultural market from an influx of cheap foreign corn. In addition, one can argue that Disraeli’s switch to Conservatism could also be a result from the fact that the Conservative party was the party Disraeli grew up around. During his youth Disraeli had met George Canning who was a friend of his father, in addition in the 1830s Disraeli was drawn to the Conservative’s party social circles. Through these functions he was introduced to Lord Lyndhurst (a former Tory Chancellor) by Lady Henrietta Sykes.4 Therefore one can say that through his background, fundamental beliefs and social circles, Disraeli was a natural Conservative in the same way that Gladstone was a natural Liberal However, for many historians these are not the main reasons as to why Disraeli became a Conservative MP. In 1834 Disraeli received Conservative financial support from Lord Lyndhurst who was his patron.5 This inextricably linked Disraeli to the Conservative party, especially when one considers the fact that Disraeli was not competent with his domestic economics and would therefore never be able to repay Lyndhurst. In conclusion one can say that Disraeli’s conversion to the Conservative party was mainly a genuine switch even though it may have been influenced by the generosity of Lord Lyndhurst The character of Disraeli can also been seen to be principled in is by his belief that rich members of society have a duty to the poor. This belief was expressed in Disraeli’s reaction to the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act. This Bill founded a Poor Law Commission to supervise the national operation of the Poor Law system, included the moulding together of small parishes into Poor Law Unions and the building of workhouses in each union for the giving of poor relief. The act was â€Å"Whig-Benthamite reforming legislation of the period†6 passed by Earl Grey in order to dissuade people from becoming poor and wanting to join the Work house system. In 1840 Disraeli condemned the New Poor Law and the Work house system due to his belief that the government should help the poor in a paternal way. This marked the start of Disraeli’s belief in one nation Toryism. The idea of ‘One nation Toryism’ was present in Disraeli’s novel Sybil, where he described Britain as â€Å"Two nations †¦ the rich and the poor.† 7 Disraeli believed that the ideology of young England, the 1852 budget and the 1867 Reform Act. Therefore this shows that Disraeli’s devotion to a Romanticised version of society where the upper classes had a duty to the poor was a stead fast principle of Disraelian politics. Another way in which Disraeli expressed his principles of preserving social harmony and helping the poor was through his sympathy to the Chartists. Chartism was a movement established in 1836 and controlled by working men who wanted to achieve parliamentary democracy as a step towards social and economic reform. In 1840 Disraeli was one of only 5 MPs who argued against the heavy punishments given to Chartists. This was due to the fact Disraeli believed that that political rights ensured social happiness. In his Chartist novel, Sybil or the two Nations, Disraeli gave the only fictional account of Chartism which understood the political demands of the movement8. This reaction to Chartism showed Disraeli as being principled as his desire to help the poor was present in his 1852 budget since he wanted to reduce indirect taxation on malt and tea, and levy the income budget. This would have helped with the working class who were more affected by indirect taxation than they were direct taxation as Gladstone would soon realise. In addition, one of the main values of Disraeli’s Young England was the conservative and romantic strand of Social Toryism that included the patronage of ‘noblesse oblige as the basis for its paternalistic form of social organization.’9 In addition, through his 1867 Reform Bill Disraeli also enhanced the franchise of the professional and middle classes. Despite the fact that cynical historians such as —- may see Disraeli’s attempts to widen the political field as a way of getting a Conservative political stronghold, the line of thought that Disraeli was a ‘Radical Tory’ dispels their claim. This is because Disraeli was radical in the sense that he welcomed the Reform and wanted to push British politics towards a ‘democratic principle’ of government with ‘triennial elections and the secret ballot.’10 This notion of wider representation links in with the previous argument of why Disraeli became a conservative MP. By extending the political map Disraeli believe that the English Nation would be better represented as it would dispel the oligarchical control that the Whigs held in Parliament. Therefore one can argue that Disraeli’s support of Chartism shows him as a principal politician as it reflects his belief in a need for reform in the Victorian political system. The case of Disraeli staying with his principles of a Romantic, paternalistic society is also evident in Disraeli’s works of fiction and his membership of Young England. Disraeli had helped to form the Young England group in 1842 based upon the that the middle class now had too much political power and an alliance between the aristocracy and the working class was needed to keep society functioning. Disraeli suggested that the aristocracy should use their power to help protect the poor yet a social hierarchy that should be maintained.11 Yet despite making these views of paternalism evident in his legislature such as the 1852 budget and his response to the 1843 Poor Law amendment historians such as Ian St John always ask how seriously did Disraeli regard young England? This is an obtuse question. Young England was an important tool of Disraeli’s as it helped him to publicise his political beliefs and during 1842 they helped him attack the Poor Law, and the rationalist sys tem of thought. In addition, due to his unconventional education, Young England was also vital to Disraeli as it allowed him to network within the Conservative party despite the fact that he was an outsider due to his Jewish ethnicity and middle class background. One can also argue that Disraeli showed a clear commitment to the ideologies of Young England due to his writings. Disraeli’s novels Coningsby (1844), Sybil (1845) and Tancred (1847) all show concern about poverty and the injustice of the parliamentary system. In Coningsby, Disraeli attacked the Tamworth Manifesto as ‘an attempt to construct a party without principles’. Moreover, his subsequent novel Sybil shows the start of one nation Toryism as it shows concern about the development of two nations causing a schism in society. This novels are critical as they all show Disraelian principals since all the novels show a continuation of Disraeli’s beliefs of a Romantic notion of government and desire for reform and in this way can be said to be principled. Moreover Young England is proof of Disraeli’s principles as it shows that his belief in a Romantic system of government and paternalism was as present in his ideals as a young man, as they were when he was Prime minister in the 1870s. The main argument for Disraeli being an ‘unprincipled adventurer’ in politics is often due to his relationship with Peel. There are often three main views to this section of Disraeli’s early political career. The first view is that Disraeli led his attack on Peel for revenge. According to Norman Lowe Disraeli was ‘furious when Peel did not offer him a place in his 1841 cabinet and perhaps because of this Disraeli lead the attack on Peel over the Corn Law repeal’12.However this account for Disraeli’s attack on Peel is highly flawed. In his biography on Disraeli, Christopher Hibbert claims that in 1844 Peel had wrote to Disraeli apologising for dismissing his offer to work in his cabinet and stating that if he had offended Disraeli it was ‘wholly unintentional on [his] part†13 Hibbert then goes on to state that this apology showed that the animosity between the two men was no longer tangible and, soon after the apology was made Disrae li and three member of Young England ‘voted with the government’14! In fact, Hibbert then goes onto disclose that Peel actually praised Disraeli’s speech on the Irish question calling it ‘very able’. These are all very clear examples showing how Disraeli’s direct and very public attack on Peel over the issue of the repeal of the Corn Laws could not have been a result of Peels rebuff in 1841. Both men had declared a truce with each other (although Grenville did comment in his diary that Disraeli’s speech on the Ireland question was ‘under the guise of compliment making an amusing attack on Peel’15) and it was for the benefit of the Tory party if this truce was maintained. After all as the historian Southgate remarked ‘[Disraeli had] no principle except that of maintaining party unity’.16 Therefore the claim that Disraeli’s attack on Peel was ‘unprincipled’ as it was based upon a personal vendetta against the Tory leader is historically inaccurate. Another interpretation for Disraeli’s attack on Peel given by Machin is that Disraeli’s attacks stemmed from a personal ambition. By attacking Peel over the 1846 Corn Law Crisis Disraeli apparently, made him name as an able orator and gave him his first political influence. Whilst the latter half of this statement may be viewed as true, Hibbert had already shown that Disraeli’s skills for oration were already known by 1846 due to his speech on the Irish question which ‘was so widely admired †¦that his wife asked him to note down’17 However one cannot dispute that by defeating Peel Disraeli gained a political advantage. Even Jenkins states that the ‘subsequent events helped to catapult Disraeli into a position of authority which he could never have expected to achieve so quickly if at all’. Whilst this may be true by toppling Peel from power Disraeli has left the Tory party ‘in the political wildernesses’18 according to Machin. Commonsense dictates that whilst he was the most promising Conservative MP, a person cannot fulfil any political ambitions whilst their party is divided and weak. Therefore it is illogical to say that Disraeli uprooted Peel from power in a bid to further his own political career, as without Peel leading the Tories, any chance of political victory would have been harder to achieve. The final and perhaps most justified reason why historians such as Monypenny believed that Disraeli lead the attack on Peel was due to ‘a clear question of principle and†¦pressure from his constituents’19. Whilst many historians believe that Peel was a true statesman, David Eastcote takes the Victorian contemporary view that Peel was actually a turncoat. By championing the ideas of Catholic Emancipation, the Maynooth Grant and the Corn Law repeal ‘Peel had quite deliberately isolated himself, and in so doing he had destroyed his party, or at any rate driven an immovable wedge between Peelism and Toryism. The destruction of the party was not an unfortunate, unintended consequence of the Corn Law crisis – it was, rather, quite deliberately engineered by Peel’.20 Although many people view that the Tory party disintegrated with the exodus of the Peelite fraction of the party, it is important to realise that Peel’s decision were unpopular with the core base of ultra-Tories. This was due to the fact that even though his party was in power, there were no real Tory party decisions as Peel preferred a Presidential style of governing rather than an executive governing style. In addition one can argue that Disraeli held a principle attack on peel due to the fact that whilst he had supported Peel in 1842 over further relaxation of the Corn Laws, he was unable to support Peel over their complete repeal. This was because he saw Peel’s desertion of ‘Protection and as a betrayal of agricultural interest’ which was the ‘backbone of the party’21.Disraeli therefore declared alongside Lord Bentinck that they would ‘never†¦be guilty or double dealing with the farmers of England†¦.or betraying our constituents’ 22highlighting the fact that Disraeli was fighting the issue of Corn law repeal based on his principles of agricultural protection as well as a having a sense duty to his constituents. This interpretation ca n also be verified by the fact that 242 former supporters of Peel also rebelled against his 1846 proposal for Corn Law repeal. The idea that the rebel against Peel over the corn Law crisis was based on a notion of having a duty to his electorate is also present in Walton’s verdict of 1846 where he states that Disraeli attacked Peel for ‘changing his policy without consulting the electorate or listening to the views of his supporters’23. Ian Machin also concedes that although Disraeli did have something to gain from usurping Peel, there was a strong public opinion in the constituencies that was for the idea of retaining the Corn Laws. Therefore one can logically conclude that Disraeli’s attacks on Peel in 1846 Disraeli’s attacks on Peel could be argued as being unprincipled on the surface as they are often seen as being based upon an underlining tone of resentment and antipathy due to Peel’s refusal to give him a position of power in 1841. However there is stronger evidence to suggest that Disraeli’s attacks were due to Peel’s betrayal of the Conservative party as well as pressure from his constituents. However, once one has argued away the beliefs that Disraeli was unprincipled due to his relationship with Peel, one is left with arguments Disraeli’s contemporaries held for him being unprincipled. The majority of reasons why Disraeli is often seen as an unscrupulous politician are due to his background. Due to Disraeli’s Jewish heritage he was often received with Anti-Semitic bias. This is recognised when Derby writes â€Å"there is no one in our arty who can compete with you†¦but†¦your formal establishment in the post of leader would not meet with a general and cheerful approval†¦Ã¢â‚¬  This means that whilst Disraeli was a recognised key political player in the Conservative party (thus eliminating the idea that he was a mere adventurer), his personal background would always work against him. However not only did Disraeli’s Jewish roots help to hinder his political progression. However all this argument is invalid since it does not state that he was unprincipled due to his political beliefs, but rather, that he was unprincipled due to his ethnicity. These arguments are therefore irrational and further alienate the claim that Disraeli was an irrational politician as historians no longer view Disraeli with a racial bias. In conclusion, the statement â€Å"An unprincipled adventurer in politics† is not a fair interpretation of Disraeli in the period 1837- 1846. By studying Disraeli’s early political career there is a key notion that the principles of a paternalistic Romanticised society is truly maintained, as well as a belief that the Tory party is the true party of the nation. In addition in regards to Disraeli’s dispute with Peel over the 1846 Corn Law crisis, one can see that on deeper examination the underlying roots of Disraeli’s arguments were held upon the as same convictions which he campaigned for as an independent MP and the same principles that made him a ‘Radical Tory’. Therefore one can convincingly argue that during the period 1837- 1846 Disraeli was as principled as a politician can be. 1 T.A. Jenkins ‘Benjamin Disraeli and the Spirit of England’, History Today 54:12 (December 2004), 9-15 2 Ian. St John, Disraeli and the Art of Victorian Politics, (London: Anthem) 2005, pg 10 3 Jenkins, 54 4 William M. Kuhn, the Politics of Pleasure: A portrait of Benjamin Disraeli (Michigan: Pocket) 2007 pg 174 5 William M. Kuhn, the Politics of Pleasure: A portrait of Benjamin Disraeli (Michigan: Pocket) 2007 pg 175 6 Norman. Gash, Politics in the Age of Peel (London: Longman) 1953, pg 395 7 Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction, (Basingstoke: PalgraveMacmillian),2003 p88 8 Norman Lowe, Mastering Modern British History, (Basingstoke: Macmillan) 1984 pg 118 9 Wikipedia, Young England, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Young_england (January 4, 2009) 10 Ian . St John, Disraeli and the Art of Victorian Politics, (London: Anthem) 2005, pg 10 11 William M. Kuhn, the Politics of Pleasure: A portrait of Benjamin Disraeli (Michigan: Pocket) 2007 pg 185 12 Norman Lowe, Mastering Modern British History, (Basingstoke: Macmillan) 1984 pg 247 13 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 14 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 15 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 16 John Walton, Disraeli, (London: Lancaster pamphlets) 1990 pg 59 17 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 18 Ian Machin, Disraeli (Canada: Pearson Education) 1996 pg 110 19 Mary Dicken, Disraeli, (London: HarperCollins) 2004 pg 20 20 David Eastwood, ‘Peel-Statesman or Turncoat’, History Today 23 (December 1995)pg 20-25 21 Mary Dicken, Disraeli, (London: HarperCollins) 2004 pg 17 22 Mary Dicken, Disraeli, (London: HarperCollins) 2004 pg 19 23 John Walton, Disraeli, (London: Lancaster pamphlets) 1990 pg 8

Negative Body Image of Teen Girls Essay

Abstract Teenage girls everywhere are under constant pressure to have a body which is acceptable by society. Many aspects of society make females feel shameful of their body, leading to a negative body image. This study will determine exactly which aspects of society cause a teenage girl to think poorly of their body. If those influential factors are discovered, we can prevent teenage girls from shaming their bodies. In order to do so, I have conducted a survey and surveyed a population of fourteen teenage girls, ages fifteen to seventeen years old. The survey included a variety of questions which determined exactly what we needed to find out. It was discovered that the main reason that teenage girls feel as if their body is unacceptable to society is because of media and their own perception of their body. If society is always comparing us to those who are better, we are obviously going to look down upon ourselves. From the data found in the surveys, we know exactly what causes teenage girls to have a negative body image and what effect that has on their well-being. Negative Body Image and Teen Girls Shame. Guilt. Depression. These are just a few of the emotions that young women experience after spending only three minutes looking at models in fashion magazines(DeLeeuw, 2013). Teen girls all over the world are constantly struggling with their body image, attempting to keep up with the latest trends while maintaining peace with who they are. By studying negative body image we can find out what factors influence someone to think poorly about their body. If a cause is found then we can stop teen girls from looking at their body in such a negative way. A question that needs to be answered is: how does one develop a negative body image? Media Media is an large influential factor that causes teen girls to shape and distort their perceptions of their bodies. The media creates unrealistically  thin body ideals which results in teen girls wanting to look similar to photoshopped models, celebrities, etc. Media can be influential in many different ways: television, magazines, internet, advertisements, etc(Piran, 2000). Media over-exaggerates and causes an over-concern with weight. Young women are already dealing with enough stress through school, work, peers and family, there is no need to unnecessarily worry about their body image. Unfortunately, media is everywhere and causes a constant anxiety in teen girls to have a â€Å"perfect body†. Trends On a similar note, fashion trends cause young women to feel as if they should alter their body so that they can wear a certain style. Recently, crop tops and high waisted shorts have been â€Å"in†. This could cause teen girls to want to rapidly lose weight in order to feel comfortable in these trends. Unfortunately, fashion delivers an upsetting fantasy of a skinny young girl. Not often do we see overweight girls modeling clothes, it is often young women who look as if they are underweight. This causes teen girls idolize how the models do in the same clothes, again leading to rapid weight loss and other unhealthy habits. Eating Disorders Since our society is so obsessed with image and having a good body, many young women resort to dieting methods which lead to body dysmorphic disorders. A surprising amount of teen girls are affected by eating disorders: anorexia, bulimia, extreme dieting, or crash dieting. Eating disorders are commonly misunderstood, as they are actually mental illnesses and often have nothing to do with the consumption of food. Eating disorders are mostly a psychological issue which makes an individual see her body as bigger than she actually is. Since she is seeing herself as overweight, she may turn to a form of dieting which is not healthy. Eating disorders most often result in weight loss at an unhealthy rate; however, some may have an eating disorder which is not physically visible but is experienced mentally. Body dysmorphic disorders can be developed because of either psychological, biological or environmental factors(Katz, 2012). Specific aspects of society put pressure onto teen girls to have a body that reflects the unrealistic expectations of society today, resulting in young  women feeling poorly about themselves. Methods In order to collect data and find similarities and differences, I conducted a survey and distributed it to classmates. The survey consisted of a series of multiple choice and open ended questions in order to determine how teen girls felt about their body and the influential factors. I surveyed a total of fourteen teenage females who attend Lester B. Pearson High School. Their ages ranged from fifteen-seventeen years of age. I chose this population because these ages and this gender were relevant to the information in which I am studying and analyzing. The data was then analyzed by contrasting and comparing the results from each survey. I chose the questions that I found most relevant the my research topic to analyze. Results Analyzing the data gave a further understanding of the topics. The first one being: â€Å"Are you happy with your body?†. After comparing each individual answer, 65% of those surveyed answered with â€Å"no†. Another question that I analyzed was: â€Å"have you ever gone on a diet to change the way you look?†. I discovered that 72% of those surveyed answered with â€Å"yes†. The survey included a series of nine images of body types, numbers one and two being underweight. I asked â€Å"if you could change your body, which of these figures would you want to look like?†. Once looking at the answers that those surveyed gave, 50% of the participants answered with either one or two, stating that they wished they had an underweight body. Discussion After surveying a population, many facts have been observed which will contribute to the research topic of negative body image of teenage girls. Teenage girls are willing to do many harmful things to their bodies in order to please â€Å"society†. Society puts so much pressure on young women to have the ideal body and to conform to everyone else. My findings have confirmed my hypothesis, and have shown how significant my topic is to many females in today’s world. However, that â€Å"perfect body† is nearly impossible. There will always be something to fix, something to change, society will never be pleased. After conducting the survey, the results were a helpful contribution to the research topic because it gave real world examples of negative body image. It showed how teen girls are impacted so harshly by  society, media and even by themselves. This could be due to many reasons: the individual’s own perception of their body, peer pressure, pressure from family or media; however, the majority of those surveyed said that the biggest cause of their body image concerns were due to the perception they had of their own body. This directly informs us that teen girls put so much pressure on themselves to have a â€Å"perfect body† that it leads them to constantly view their body in a detrimental way. The majority of participants were unhappy with their body and would be willing to go to certain extremes to change some features, through things such as dieting. Crash diets can be an example of these extremes, being an unhealthy way to rapidly lose weight. Before surveying the population, we did not have an exact understanding as to what caused teenage girls to think negatively of their body. The fact that their own perception of their body is the leading reason just proves how much pressure not only media puts on girls, but also they themselves do. They should not be putting this much pressure onto themselves, it will eventually cause them to break down. Rather than giving teenage girls advertisements with perfectly thin and fit females, we should be giving them advertisements with women of all shapes and sizes. This way, they are not comparing themselves to a supermodel with an unrealistic body. The survey furthered our knowledge on this topic by giving us a real world example as to how teenage girls feel about the pressures they have in order to achieve a socially acceptable body. Conclusion This research topic is important and beneficial to our knowledge because it gives a deeper understanding of what causes a teenage girl to think negatively of her body. We now know what steps we can take in order to boost one’s self-esteem. Society should be praising teenage girls for their body so that they can feel comfortable in their own skin, rather than providing a supermodel with an unrealistic model to compare themselves to. These supermodels clearly impact teenage girls, as we discovered that 50% wish they had an underweight body. Not only is media causing pressure, but trends are a contributing factor. Teenage girls are constantly wanting to fit in with current fashion trends and are willing to go to certain extremes in order to achieve a body that will look good wearing these clothes. The constant pressure to have a perfect body can cause teenage girls to resort  to unhealthy ways of getting that dream body. There is a possibility of a teenage girl developing a body dysmorphic order, because of the constant pressure to have a socially acceptable body. She could resort to dieting methods such as crash dieting, or could induce vomitting, also known as bulimia. Society needs to make a conscious effort in order to make teenage girls feel proud of their body, no matter what shape or size. Each and every girl is beautiful in their own way, and should not feel the need to change their body in order to please society.